Afara-i vopsit gardul…

Stiu ca e un subiect penibil, dar “sufragetele” lui Traian Basescu l-au lansat si  asa a aparut “dezbaterea”. Intr-un mod neprofesionist. Fara documentare. Doar pentru eventuale castiguri de imagine.

Cand Elena Udrera a lansat ideea daramarii gardului de la Palatul Parlamentului, din grija pentru cetatenii straini, turisti in frumoasa noastra capitala, prima intrebare pe care mi-am pus-o a fost aceea de ce ministrul turismului nu a propus, mai intai, daramarea gardului de la Palatul Cotroceni? In felul acesta, Basescu  ar putea face zilnic bai de multime, fara sa se mai deplaseze pe la tot felul de targuri si chermeze. Ar veni baia de multime la el. Oricum, daramarea gardului de acolo – aproape identic cu cel de la Parlament – ar costa mai putin pentru ca perimetrul imprejmuit este de doua ori mai mic.

Roberta Anastase a aflat, probabil de la cei care – se spune – au inchis gardul de la Uzina 1 Mai, la Revolutie, ca sa nu iasa muncitorii pe strada, ca eu as fi “construit” gardul de la Parlament. FALS. Gardul exista de dinainte de 1989.  E adevarat, dupa Revolutie, unii voiau sa acopere constructia de la Casa Poporului – finalizata in proportie de 60% – cu pamant sau eventual sa construiasca acolo un cazinou sau un bordel pentru toata Europa.

In perioada cat am fost presedinte al Camerei Deputatilor, intre 1992-1996, desi lucrarile parlamentare se desfasurau in cladirea de la Patriarhie, impreuna cu alti colegi, am finalizat lucrarile de constructie, asfel incat, din sesiunea de toamna a anului 1996, Camera s-a putut muta in noul edificiu. A fost finalizat si Centrul de conferinte internationale, cel mai mare centru de acest gen din Europa. Atunci au fost plantati si miile de copaci din curte, s-au mutat acolo diverse institutii noi. Ulterior, in perioada in care am fost prim ministru, am continuat investitiile din cladire, fiind finalizate lucrarile pentru noul sediu al Senatului si spatiile pentru Muzeul national de arta contemporana.

In ceea ce priveste finalizarea lucrarilor la Palatul Parlamentului, sunt deci “vinovat” cu mult mai mult decat cu constructia gardului – pentru care nu am insa nici un “merit”.

M-a surprins, la sedinta Biroului permanent, faptul ca s-a pus in discutie de catre Secretarul general al Camerei ( eu stiam ca Biroul dezbate si eventul cere Secretarului general sa puna in aplicare anumite decizii!) daramarea gardului de la Parlament, fara nici o documentare privind costurile, fara nici o evaluare privind implicatiile posibile.

Iata doar cateva elemnte de reflectie :

Costurile totale pentru demolare (gardul are o lungime de 2860 m si o fundatie de beton de 80 de cm adancime), plus evacuarea molozului , plus distrugerea sistemului integrat de securitate perimetral, inclusiv valoarea constructiei in sine,  ar insemna aproximativ  27.000.000 RON. Exista banii pentru acest proiect de daramare? Intra cumva la capitolul investitii in infrastructura al premierului Boc?

Oricum, pentru demolare, ar fi necesare 7 cereri sau avize iar pentru certificatul de urbanism (pentru desfiintarea constructiilor) inca vreo 3-4 documente, certificatul fiind eliberat doar dupa aprobarea unui nou Plan urbanistic zonal.

De altfel, inca nu s-a reusit evaluarea costurilor lucrarilor necesare eliberarii de orice sarcini a terenului atribuit pentru construirea Catedralei Patriarhale, comisia constituita in acest scop avand in componenta sa si reprezentanti de la MFP, MInisterul culturii, Ministerul Dezvoltarii regionale, Ministerului Apararii Nationale, SRI, STS, SPP. De ce oare?

Este clar ca Basescu si oamenii lui arunca doar fumigene pentru perioada campaniei electorale, stiind ca o astfel de propunere, care, cred ei, “da bine” la popor, nu va fi probabil pusa in aplicare.

De altfel, in paralel, la aceeasi sedinta de Birou permanent, s-a respins o cerere venita din partea unui viitor consilier de campanie prezidentiala, in prezent consilier prezidential – Sebastian Lazaroiu – care ne-a comunicat ca Administratia Prezidentiala intentioneaza sa organizeze in perioada (n-o sa ghiciti) 5 oct 2009 – 31 ian 2010, expozitia “Comunismul in Romania” si ne cerea sa punem la dispozitie, gratuit, Sala de expozitii “Constantin Brancusi” (cred ca stiti cine s-a batut pentru realizarea in urma cu 13 ani a aceste Sali!), “impreuna cu personalul aferent”.

Biroul permanent nu a acceptat insa sa “sponsorizeze” campania electorala a lui Traian Basescu.

Raspunsuri

Inainte de raspunsuri, ii salut pe toti americanii care citesc acest blog. A fost ziua Americii si, din respect pentru o democratie atat de veche, sunem datori cu un semnal de apreciere. Este o forma de minim bun simt, pe care trebuie sa o cultivam, si nu doar fata de prietenii apropiati ai acestei tari si  chiar daca, la Bucuresti, sarbatorirea s-a facut mai devreme, probabil pe motiv de week end.

Draghy Puterity, sunt sigur ca mama lui nu are nicio vina. Daca nu dam vina pe copii pentru pacatele parintilor, sa nu dam vina nici pe parinti pentru pacatele copiilor.

Exasperat, astfel de iesiri ale domnului Florin Popescu si iesirile sale publice, in general, se numara printrele cauzele rezultatului pe care le-a obtinut recent pentru propriul partid. Cam asta este tot ceea ce pot comenta despre domnul Florin Popescu.

Einstein, pe multi, pe foarte multi as vrea sa ii ignor, numai ca ei ma baga prea mult in seama.

Andrei from USA, sa inteleg ca o cunosti bine pe doamna „pitzipoanca”? ca sa te citez (tinand sa precize faptul ca nu aprob un astfel de limbaj).

J.R., lovitul peste bot nu imi sta in fire. Apropo de asta – incidentul cu Sorina Matei a fost jalnic. Cred ca Basescu are o problema cand confunda SPP cu o firma privata de garzi de corp care sparg aparatele foto pe banii clientului.

Never mind, never ever, referitor la abandonul partidului catre o anumita directie.

Instalatorule ma uimesti intotdeauna cu ideile tale. Sa vedem ce putem face la Mizil.

Volodea, am vazut si eu relatari despre cazul din Oltenia. Nu sunt de acord cu tine, totusi, campania Realitatii Tv chiar este o initiativa foarte, foarte buna. Este vorba de 8 hectare intr-o zi, probabil.

ALM, intotdeauna este de vina un panou publicitar. Ai perfecta dreptate.

Ellasarya, eu nu sunt sigur ca domnul Berceanu ar trebui sa aiba altceva de facut, dar poate tu stii mai multe. Pentru mine, ar fi suficiente niste drumuri – ca sa vorbesc simplu – dar pentru asta trebuie sa vorbeasca si cu colegii de partid, aceeasi care au o problema si cu Educatia, si cu Agricultura.

Carcotasule, nick-name-ul ti se potriveste perfect, ma refer la obiectiile ridicate de tine in cazul surselor de energie nepoluante. Foarte instructiva discutia de la distanta cu Instalatorul.

Ilie, ca sa glumesc putin – atunci cand dai in Basescu, dai in tot partidul.

Violet, foarte buna ideea ta cu termopanele. Dar nu cred ca este treaba unei televiziuni sa faca asta. Oricum, ca un viral ar fi o idee foarte buna.

Augustin, te rog sa ma scuzi de implicarea in discutia ta cu Draghy, insa am remarcat acel „gentelman’s agreement” si nu m-am putut abtine din ras.

Alex, daca nimic nu se pierde si totul se transforma, atunci haide sa nu mai criticam pe nimeni. Nu sunt de acord cu tine. Cred ca tocmai ceea ce se doreste a fi indus este faptul ca lumea s-a saturat de critici. Si este fals. Basescu nu mai are putere de mobilizare. Isi va dori o prezenta mica la vot.

PS: Despre ce spui tu nu trebuie sa afle Departamentele PSD.

Blueeye, multumesc, inclusiv in numele colegilor de blog, cred, pentru mica lectie de catehism.

Vasiloi, doamna ar trebui sa ii intrebe respectuos pe colegii sai mai vechi de partid cum este cu acel gard. In rest, chiar nu am de gand sa imi bat capul cu lucruri copilaresti. Sunt curios, totusi, care ar fi costurile operatiunii? Banuiesc ca cei care au venit cu ideea nu vor pune mana pe baros, desi le sta in fire sa nu curete in urma lor.

George Serban, exagerand putin, poate ca Traian Basescu isi face provizii din acel produs ca sa ii dea si domnului Boureanu, din cand in cand.

Petronius, criticile constructive sunt binevenite. Crezi ca ma ocup prea mult de Traian Basescu? Sa insemne asta ca unii se ocupa prea putin? Hai sa spunem ca mimatul de catre Traian Basescu a rolului de „om ca tot omul” a reprezentat o curiozitate de a mea.

Koubadera, apreciez sinceritatea ta. Sper ca pot fi la fel de sincer cu tine si sa imi permiti sa iti spune ca gresesti. Sincer, daca tu crezi ce crezi despre mine si totusi….inseamna ca suntem chiar in cea mai neagra perioada din 1989 si pana astazi.

Cristina, sa stii ca de multe ori exista mai mult interes decat crezi fata de cetateni. Stiu oameni in politica care si-au dorit sa ajunga in anumite functii doar pentru ca ei credeau ca pot face ceva de acolo pentru oamenii simpli. Erau aproape dominati de acest lucru. De multe ori, poate, cele mai bune intentiile nu se vad.

Neinfectat de comunism, la fel de serios iti raspund: ai sa vezi in toamna cum poate pierde Basescu.

Maximmouse, apreciez interesul tau, dar nu cred ca trebuie sa facem o comisie parlamentara pentru nervii lui Radu Berceanu.

Cifre

M-am intors asta-seara in Bucuresti. Cateva concluzii sumare dupa discutiile avute in Prahova, Cluj si Mures. Si dupa lectura rapida a ziarelor si  privirea pe furis a stirilor de la televiziuni:

Sute de mii de euro disparuti in vant, pentru plata unor scene imaginare carora nu li se gaseste urma.

Milioane infuzate in imaginea turismului care, in paralel, a scazut cu 30% (asa spun cifrele date de operatorii din turism). In imaginea ministrului, si nu in infrastructura, calitatea sau valorificarea destinatiilor turistice.

Milioane de elevi vor ramane, probabil, fara programul “Cornul si laptele”, considerat in casieriile guvernului prea costisitor pentru o tara care isi permite totusi, miraculos, sa-si difuzeze clipuri publicitare la Eurosport.

Miliarde de euro irosite pentru ca, dupa cinci ani, sa speram sa fie finalizati 50 de km din autostrada Transilvania. Cea care ar fi trebuit sa fie terminata de mult daca prosperul “clan”  Basescu nu intra pe fir.

Sute de mii de romani care se trezesc in fiecare dimineata cu teama ca vor primi vestea disponibilizarii.

Cam asa arata, in cateva cifre, realitatea de dinainte de vacanta.

Foto: SEBASTIAN D’SOUZA/AFP/Getty Images

Materiale Bruxelles

M-am gandit sa pun pe blog – in engleza (nu le-am tradus, deocamdata, in romana) – textele pe care le-am folosit in interventiile mele de la Bruxelles, de saptamana trecuta, in legatura cu problemele politicii externe ale Uniunii Europene  (Future challenges for the EU’s foreign policy). Sper sa le gasiti interesante.

“In my intervention I will address what I consider the main challenges to the foreign policy of the EU, in the context of the global economic crisis and the EU’s efforts to define a stronger and more coherent foreign policy.

General comments:

When talking European and international matters, the current context is shaped by the economic crisis, the results of the recent European Parliamentary elections and the efforts to pledge, this year, the Lisbon Treaty. These issues, although apparently distinct, share common roots, to which I will briefly refer in the next moments.

First, the European elections revealed a modified European social and political pattern of behavior. The increased popular support for the right-wing parties is natural during periods of economic hardship, such as the one we are crossing today.

Two forces have troubled the European society: the tendency towards economic protectionism and a certain nationalistic appetence. Both derive from the instinct to protect, shelter and look inward, in times of crisis, rather than expand, orient outward. Nevertheless, history has shown that protectionism is not a solution, even though it might be the first instinctive reaction to the problem.

An alarming result of these elections was the low turnout, which in the long run gives a worrying signal about people growing increasingly distant from the European spirit.

Given the framework of nationalistic and protectionist tendencies, provoked by the economic downturn, as well as the efforts towards having the Lisbon Treaty ratified by all EU member states, we shall rightly ask ourselves which are the perspectives of the EU foreign policy and which are the challenges that lie ahead.

The enlargement process, in strict connection with development and migration issues, seems to be a sufferer of the economic downturn. There are, undoubtedly, costs of enlargement, but as we know, no victory comes without sacrifices. Just as the economic protectionist tendencies should be avoided; the political centripetal propensity should be opposed. I believe that the door of the EU should be kept open, in a spirit of cooperation and desire to spread the values that consecrated it.

Eastward and southward enlargements are long-term investments for the EU, which will return dividends in terms of security, political and economic stability. Enlargement should be a medicine against surrounding instability. The recent episode of the human rights violations in the Republic of Moldova, economic and energetic hardships of Ukraine and last year’s hot outburst of conflict between Georgia and Russia have been exclamation marks for the EU and have stirred a prompt reaction from the latter.

EU’s strong-willed and pro-active involvement in all these issues is not only desirable, but necessary. Deeper cooperation between the EU and the Republic of Moldova is to bring the desired and long-awaited political and economic reforms.

The EU has adapted itself to these evolutions by creating innovative instruments, such as the Monitoring Mission in Georgia and EULEX aimed at encouraging peace, stability and institutional building. The Eastern Partnership is an important tool for legal approximation for the six Eastern ENP countries, while the Black Sea Synergy has already made progress in bringing together eastern ENP countries, Turkey, as a negotiating country, and  Russia, as a strategic partner of the EU.

The European perspective of the Western Balkans’ countries will be crucial for the region’s stability and prosperity. Having in mind these objectives, Romania has promoted trilateral regional meetings, comprising both EU and non-EU member states, in order to encourage European emulation. This regional cooperation initiatives will boost economic cooperation and pave the way for the interconnection of the energy infrastructure in Europe. The proposal for an EU strategy for the Danube region subscribes to the same objective of promoting economic and political cooperation in the area.

East European and South Caucasian countries’ improved individual relations with the EU, based on sector partnership agreements and political dialogue will subsequently create a positive spillover into the energy dilemma: how to diversify sources and transport routes, how to guarantee consumption. This interdependent link should push further and faster the discussions regarding the single European energy market. Securing a competitive, liberalized and transparent energy market would bring both an economic and a political answer in relation with Russia.

Energy-wise, the relation with Turkey and the Caucasian countries should be constructive if we are to have a win-win solution: comprising both European integration and the safety of diversified energy routes.

Efforts to tackle illegal migration from Africa and South-East Asia, coming towards the EU either through the Mediterranean or the Black Sea region, should bear in mind that development is the final goal of migration management policies.

Another visible challenge for the EU will be assuring the trans-Atlantic tandem, while promoting a global European role: addressing responsibly the issue of climate change (reducing greenhouse gas emissions and improving energy efficiency), being part of international peace-keeping and post-conflict reconstruction missions, offering the needed aid to Irak, Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Part of the global EU role will be enhancing relations with emerging economies, especially the BRIC countries, known to stand for 80% of the world population and 70% of the global currency reserves.

If we are to talk about a strong, visible and effective EU foreign policy, assuming its good-will role and promoting its peaceful values, having a single voice in foreign relations will be of paramount importance.

New Challenges:

- Almost everything that has happened in Europe lately, in terms of international security and cooperation, highlighted new challenges and even threats  for the EU foreign policy – evolutions related to Kosovo, the war in Georgia, the Russian-Ukrainian dispute over gas, the parliamentary elections in Moldova.

- Enlargement has brought the European Union closer to regions that emerge and shape themselves as major challenges for the security and well-being of the EU Member States, and consequently for the EU foreign policy.

- One of them is the Western Balkans Region. What distinguishes the Western Balkans from other neighbouring regions, even though there are many problems still to be solved, is the existence of a political project: in this case, the European and Euro-Atlantic perspective, which might be supported by consistent assistance by the EU, and NATO, in the field of reform and development and also in forgetting differences from the past and looking to the future. Of course, that “need to do list” by the states in the Western Balkans is still long. How soon it will be shortened depends on the political will of those involved, and also on the EU policy towards the region.

- An essential element of this policy is that the EU membership perspective should remain open for all the countries in the region and positive signals to that effect should be send constantly.

- The other one is the Wider Black Sea Region that shapes itself as an emerging hub of European security, within a process which is currently unfolding. A range of developments over the past few years, particularly the growing strategic importance of the Caucasus and Central Asia – due to NATO’s role in Afghanistan – and an increasing awareness of the implications of EU energy dependence on Russia and of the Caspian’s role as a potential alternative, Turkey’s aspirations to EU membership and the “coloured” revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine have contributed, in combination, to the Wider Black Sea region being seen as an important component of European security.

- These developments have also made a range of issues connected to the Wider Black Sea Region central to the security of EU Member States, as they have brought a wide array of traditional and non-traditional security concerns connected to the region in closer proximity of the EU.

- Not to forget Belarus. Geographically it is in Europe, though politically it is not yet there. But it should and it will be there one day, and the EU foreign policy should pave the way and even accelerate evolutions for that to happen. In fact, the latest EU initiative, the Eastern Partnership, may well be the only instrument to offer a chance of redressing for this country.

- Of course, much has been done in this Eastern policy, in particular in defining and securing EU interests in the Eastern Neighbourhood Policy region, in developing bilateral and regional cooperation with all countries beyond the current borders of the EU and in setting up a long-term and viable partnership with Russia. The future EU-Russia agreement, the Eastern Partnership and, respectively, the Black Sea Synergy and the Northern Dimension, are all expressions of the above-mentioned efforts. All these are, or have to become, mutually reinforcing instruments.

- Close monitoring and evaluation of these initiatives is important in order for the EU to be able to build up upon their results real regional strategies. Such strategies should address also the collaboration of the EU with the regional actors,  including the regional organisations.

- The good principles of democracy and rule of law are absolutely needed, but their acceptance is not enough. The lesson learned in the last years is that any time something happens, the international community becomes reactive instead of promoting a proactive policy. Whether we speak about either the Eastern Partnership or the Black Sea Synergy or other initiatives, we need to come with a more articulated European policy.

- A particular challenge poses “frozen conflicts”, or protracted conflicts. The EU’s enlargement has brought the unresolved conflicts over Transnistria in Moldova, Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Georgia, the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict and the region-wide conflict in the North Caucasus in closer proximity of the EU.

- The EU has done a lot in this area given its posture of a “big mediation and conflict resolution machine, based on law and non-stop negotiations”, as Javier Solana, EU High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy, termed the EU back in 2006.

- The unresolved conflicts pose distinct challenges in the traditional military security area, but are also closely entangled with “soft” security issues connected to state weakness and organized crime, and to the role of external powers. Peacekeeping and negotiating formats – in many of which EU participate – have proven highly inefficient and largely reflect the geopolitical situation of the early 1990s. In reality, they grant Russia control over these processes, even though Russia is also de facto a party to the conflicts.

- These conflicts mean instability for all of us. The consequence of instability is a tendency leading to stagnation, especially in the trans-border economic cooperation, in addition to the consequences for our common security.

- Therefore it is perhaps time, as we think of the EU foreign policy, to work out a Platform – which could take the form of a General Understanding, General Agreement, Framework Agreement or General Principles – for the peaceful settlement of unresolved conflicts, whose central starting point should be the people living in those conflict areas.

- Indeed, people living in those areas are looking for free movement of persons, services and goods, for economic development. They have more or less the same expectations like the people living in other parts of the Europe. These people suffer as individuals, because they are not using the general benefits of the cooperation between states, of the trans-border co-operation. The economic and cultural projects avoid them. They are left pray of despotic and corrupt, or militaristic and adventuristic regimes, and the international community does nothing to put them in contact with other realities, with the democratic world.

- Such a Platform would define the general principles of the settlement, including, inter alia, such principles as:

• direct relations of separatist entities with the EU, similar to those envisaged in the EU Action Plans with the States in the region;
• permeability of borders between separatist entities and the states of the region;
• rule of law, human rights and democratic institutions in the separatist entities;
• general demilitarization of the separatist entities and the military disengagement of the states where they are.

- The Platform would also define:

• the format of negotiations for each and every conflict, since each of them has its own specificities;
• the rules of conduct in negotiations;
• involvement of NGOs in facilitating and supporting the negotiations;
• the EU support for the economic development and building democratic institutions, linked to the effective progress in negotiations;
• confidence building measures between states involved in conflicts;
• projects aimed at building confidence of separatist entities in the EU.

- Implementation of the Platform could be facilitated using the expertise and involvement of other international organisations in the peace efforts, particularly the OSCE and the United Nations.

- Such a Platform could be launched by the European Council in the form of a EU sponsored conference, in which would participate, on an equal footing:

• EU High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy;
• the Commissioner for External Relations and Eastern Neighbourhood Policy;
• the representatives of the parties to the conflicts – both state and non-state actors (separatist regions), on the clear understanding that participation in the conference does not imply mutual diplomatic recognition of the States and entities parties to the conflict;
• representatives of neighbouring States;
• the Chairman-in-Office of the OSCE;
• the president of the UN Security Council;
• the UN Secretary General;
• representatives of other States that the European Council decides to invite.

- These are ideas to think about. There may be other ways to generate renewed efforts and political will to bring lasting and fair settlement to such prolonged conflicts, which should be one of the objectives of the EU foreign policy. We need to be creative and innovative in designing the future EU foreign policy.

 

Ten conclusions

EU attractiveness in the neighborhood should not be taken for granted. Recent polls show that EU is seen as an alternative at best by an average of 40% of the population in countries covered by EaP. For many in the Eastern Neighborhood EU is still a dream. There is a big difference between what these countries really need and EU is really ready to offer.

1. Competition with Russia for influence in that region will be part of the geopolitical paradigm for decades. EU (alone) could not be able to transform its economic power in the eastern neighborhood in (Western) political influence. The EU remains the most powerful political model in the region, but Europeans have failed to cultivate their soft power. The EU has a more attractive governance model than Russia, but good governance models do not always win.
2. The EU is queasy about using military means to exert its power and has shown reluctance to get involved in the region’s ongoing security crises. The EU has a major hard power credibility to overcome.
3. Europe needs a healthy and robust “realpolitik”, one that is free from illusions about the giant next door. The trick for Europe is to counter-balance Russian self-interest. EU has to agree on and jointly promote Europe’s own interests, and to channel relations with Moscow into an international framework that upholds the rule of law.
4. The in-depth examination of EU-Russia relations of November last year highlighted the interdependence of Europe and Russia, with Russia now the EU’s third largest trading partner after the United States and China, and the EU by far Russia’s number one trading partner. Energy interdependence will continue to be pivotal to economic relations between the EU and Russia, with the stakes high for both parties.
5. EU has to strike the right balance between sharing common interests with Russia in the face of international security challenges that range from peace in the Middle East to relations with Iran and global climate change and the issue of “shared values”. Russia is neither a democracy nor as the old Soviet Union. It is worth asking ourselves whether what Chris Patten said only few years ago is still valid, namely that “Europe should work for a comprehensive partnership with Russia but at the moment it is nonsense to suggest that this will be based on shared values”.
6. The Transatlantic dialogue should constantly address problems pertaining to EU’s Eastern Neighborhood, including Russia. More focus should be given to joint strategic assessments by EU and NATO on future developments in the Black Sea area, the Caucasus and Central Asia. European and Euro-Atlantic security concerns are related to unpredictable internal and regional evolutions in those areas. This would have the benefit of drawing the attention of EU and NATO Member States to those perimeters that are perceived to be most at risk of violent flare. Attention in itself could deter aggression and prevent conflicts.
7. It seems that now, after turning its back on the World Trade Organization, Russia prefers being a distinct regional power that can offer alternative economic and military institutions and alliances to the West’s. Under these circumstances, it is worth wondering what kind of strategic partnership could the EU establish with Moscow?
8. Europe has to be clear on the principles that maintain peace and stability on our continent, such as respect for independence, the inviolability of borders and territorial integrity, Theories of zones of influence or zero-sum games derived from the outdated diplomatic approach that underpinned so many of the conflicts that wracked Europe in the past.

10. Instead of a one-size-fits-all policy focused on enlargement, the EU needs to develop a comprehensive, sophisticated and realistic political strategy to complement the rather technical approach provided by the ENP and EaP. EU states and institutions must concentrate their coordinated endeavors towards boosting their powers of attraction in the eastern neighborhood, while developing imaginative policies to help its neighbors prevent and cope with political and economic crises.”

La coadă cu Traian Băsescu, la supermarket

Acesta este titlul editorialului meu de astazi din Jurnalul National, pe care il puteti citi aici.

Activitatea departamentelor

Ieri, am participat, la Tohani, la o intalnire a Departamentului pentru agricultura al partidului. Multe idei interesante si multe sugestii. Din pacate, principala problema o constituie reinfiintarea culturilor in aceasta toamna, din cauza lipsei resurselor financiare. Departamentul va da astazi un comunicat in legatura cu propunerile si temele de discutie.

Astazi voi fi prezent, la Cluj, la o dezbatere organizata de Departamentul pentru infrastructura.

Suedia, la carma UE

De la 1 iulie, Suedia a preluat presedintia semestriala a UE. Mandatul nu este unul usor avand in vedere atat contextul economic dificil, cat si transformarile politice si institutionale care au avut sau vor avea loc: a fost ales un nou Parlament si inca au loc impartiri si negocieri pe comisii, dar si la nivelul grupurilor parlamentare, componenta Comisiei Europene va suferi si ea modificari, iar Tratatul de la Lisabona este inca in suspans.

Speranta mea in legatura cu mandatul Suediei vizeaza realizarea unui transfer de coeziune si solidaritate sociala de la nivel national in plan european. Desi guvernul de la Stockholm este unul de centru-dreapta, modelul social dezvoltat de lunga guvernare social-democrata a devenit un element distinctiv atat pentru Suedia, cat si pentru tarile nordice in general. Cum criza economica a potentat faliile existente la nivelul UE, iar abordarile individuale, de tip national, auto-centrate si auto-interesate au devenit evidente, cred ca este nevoie de mai multa unitate, coerenta si convergenta in pozitia si actiunea statelor membre. Iar Suedia poate face acest lucru.

Diminuarea ratei somajului, lupta impotriva incalzirii climatice, finalizarea negocierilor de aderare cu Turcia si/sau accelerarea negocierilor cu Croatia reprezinta obiective generale pe care statele care preiau pe rand presedintia UE le exprima ca prioritati. Ele reprezinta intr-adevar prioritati, dar atingerea obiectivelor in fiecare caz in parte presupune o serie de procese ce depasesc 6 luni, adica intervalul de rotatie la carma UE. In mod evident, promovarea unor politici sectoriale este necesara, fireasca si binevenita, dar in actualul context economic si social cred ca cineva ar trebui sa-si asume un proiect de intarire a convergentei si a coeziunii statelor comunitare. Intr-un moment de criza, solidaritatea si unitatea devin prioritati.

Nu exclud insa ca in aceste luni, provocarile economice sa ramana pe primul loc in agenda. Iar, luand in considerare anumite declaratii recente ale premierului suedez, care va asigura presedintia semestriala a UE, nu as fi mirat sa avem propuneri noi, in cadrul masurilor anti-criza. Printre acestea, ar putea fi chiar o recomandare de crestere a taxelor in statele membre?!

La multi ani, Petru si Pavel!

Cei obisnuiti cu sarbatorile crestine, stiu ca astazi ii celebram pe cei numiti Petru, Pavel, Paul, Paula, Petrica sau alte derivate. Pentru credinciosi, sarbatoarea nu este una obisnuita, fiind precedata de post si avand o relevanta aparte, dat fiind ca este vorba de apostoli cu insemnatate (pentru biserica de la Roma, insemnatatea este chiar capitala). Fiecare dintre noi are un apropiat, ruda sau prieten, cu acest nume. Nu voi face o enumerare a celor pe care ii cunosc si care sunt sarbatoriti astazi, fiindca nu imi permite spatiul. Vreau sa ii salut pe toti, sa le urez La Multi Ani si sa le multumesc pentru prietenia si apropierea lor, intotdeauna speciale. Chiar daca nu este zi libera, fiind in mijlocul verii, in apropierea vacantei, vom gasi cu siguranta fiecare dintre noi timp sa ne indreptam atentia spre cei apropiati si sa incercam sa petrecem alaturi de ei macar cateva minute.

Inca o data, La Multi Ani!

Raspunsuri

Am avut din nou un final de saptamana trist. Bineinteles, ma refer la moartea brusca si neasteptata a lui Michael Jackson. Recunosc, ellasarya, nu am fost neaparat un fan al muzicii sale, dar imi amintesc valoarea simbolica a concertului din 1992 de pe Stadionul National. Acesta a fost, in opinia mea, mai important decat cel din 1996. 1992 cu Michael Jackson poate fi asemuit cu primul concert din Sarajevo al trupei U2. Un fel de revenire la o matca din care ne simteam exclusi, un fel de pastila pentru frustrarile acumulate in zeci de ani (in cazul nostru). Oricum, poate mai mult decat muzica sau arta, in general, ceea ce ramane este simbolul, iar simboluri fara controverse nu exista. La Bucuresti, voi incerca sa regasesc unele fotografii realizate atunci. Au trecut 16 ani!

Frank Zapa[King], tin minte ca, la cumparaturile din ziua referendumului pentru suspendare, Traian Basescu chiar a aratat camerelor presei Ghidul Nesimtitului, al lui Radu Paraschivescu, inainte sa opreasca telefonul unei jurnaliste si sa ii transmita parerea sa. Astfel, revin la intrebarea mea: o discutie deschisa si civilizata cu Traian Basescu?

Eugen, pentru Traian Basescu toti cei care sunt impotriva sa in mod vadit fac parte dintr-o mafie, sindicala sau nu, dar in mod cert subversiva. Sindicatele profesorale nu sunt o exceptie. Norocul lor este ca deciziile in aceasta privinta apartin, in mai mare masura, Ecaterinei Andronescu decat presedintelui.

Genoveva, razboiul impotriva incompetentei nu a lasat prea multe victime dupa 2004. Poate pe viitor.

Instalatorul, spiritul Constitutiei nu ar trebui sa fie element de negociere, indiferent de directie si intentii. Presedintele ar trebui sa stie acest lucru la inceperea mandatului. Sau cel putin un presedinte responsabil.

Daniel, normalitatea este starea spre care tind oamenii normali. Poate daca am avea si un astfel de presedinte, am putea sa ne bucuram cu totii de revenirea la normalitate.

Sophy, astept cu interes momentul in care te vei decide sa te implici in politica. Avem nevoie de mai multi tineri dornici de munca si cu capul pe umeri.

Darius Groza, mult succes cu lucrarea de licenta. Sunt sigur ca e o placere sa scrii despre ceea  ce ai creat tu insuti.

Matei Goarna, imi face intotdeauna placere sa discut cu un alt fan al lui Augustin Buzura. Totusi, despre numerele respectiva de masina nu iti pot spune nimic. Poate, daca afli ceva, ne vei destainui si noua?

Tocaci Cornel, “La Multi Ani” si dumnevoastra pentru 22/06 in acest caz.

Einstein, de ce nu ti-as fi acceptat comentariul? Un pic de ironie bine tintita nu strica niciodata, cred eu, dar poate gresesc. Eu am fost primul care a spus ca pentru multi cetateni este dificil sa inteleaga detaliile juridice, dar asta nu inseamna ca nu trebuie sa tinem cont de ele.

Violet, abrogarea lucrurilor care nu ne convin ar putea deveni o practica. Sper sa nu traim pe deplin experimentul acesta in urmatorii cinci ani, apropo si de comentariul lui Alex G.

Maximmouse, ti se pare ca domnul Predoiu tine cont prea mult de formalisme sau crezi ca este independent? El nu raspunde decat in fata….

Harabula, majoritatea politicienilor sunt astia care sunt. Tu poti crede ce doresti.

Vali din Braila, ti se pare ca cineva nu sustine candidatul? Multumesc, succes si tie in sesiune.

Parmalat, nu stiu cum este cu atacurile de anvergura si cine trebuie sa le lanseze. Sa ne mentinem totusi pe taram politic. Dosarele nu sunt treaba politicienilor. Pana nu o sa ajunga sa inteleaga toti lucrul acesta nu vom avea decat circ ieftin si sapaturi la temelia statului de drept.

Andrei from USA, „baietii de la moderare” te saluta. Numai bine.

Octavian Ionescu, dupa douazeci de ani ne cunoastem destul de bine incat sa nu ne indragim. Asta e cel mai corect raspuns pe care pot sa ti-l dau.

PS: Nu exista motive, asta ca sa nu fii ingrijorat. Patalogia nu tine de domeniul meu de specialitate.

Forumul de la Bruxelles

Centrul atentiei, in acest an, l-a reprezentat premierul Erdogan. Un discurs in cadrul sedintei plenare, altul cu ocazia primirii premiului oferit, participarea la un dineu si  la un dejun de lucru. Sigur, a vorbit – convingator – despre dorinta Turciei de a deveni membru al Uniunii Europene. De fata cu Ollie Rehn. Nu cred insa ca, pe termen scurt, UE va fi interesata de extinderea sa, in continuare. Nici macar in legatura cu Croatia (blocata si intr-un conflict acutizat cu Slovenia). UE are de rezolvat, mai intai, problemele legate de ratificarea Tratatului de la Lisabona, de recompunerea Comisiei si desigur problemele legate de criza economica si de planificarea resurselor financiare pentru peerioada viitoare.

Erdogan venea din Albania, unde inaugurase, impreuna cu Berisha (albanezii vor avea la sfarsitul saptamanii alegeri parlamentare) un tronson de autostrada de 64 de km, realizat de Bechtel, impreuna cu o companie din Turcia. M-am intrebat de ce in Croatia si in Albania se poate si, la noi, nu. Cu aceeasi constructori.

Discutand cu  ministrul turc pentru afaceri europene, pe care il stiu de multa vreme, acesta m-a intrebat, cu un fel de ironie trista :”de ce nu ne-ati trimis inapoi ascensorul?”  Evident se referea la faptul ca noi am prins ultimul “tren” al integrarii.

Jacques Barrot, comisarul pentru drepturile omului a fost prezent aproape in fiecare zi. De asemenea, a fost prezent, ieri, presedintele Barroso, la reuniunea de decernare a premiilor. Tot acolo, am reintalnit un vechi prieten, Jean Claude Juncker, premierul Luxemburgului, una dintre persoanele cu un simt al umorului extraordinar. Unul dintre “inteleptii” Uniunii.

Astazi are loc aici si o reuniune a Institutului universitar de inalte studii internationale, din al carui board fac parte. Tema este : Cum sa faci lobby la Bruxelles. Sa incercam sa invatam. In primul rand noi insine. Apoi, pe altii.